Extract from the Transitional tasks of the Programme of the Revolutionary Left in Syria backs the struggle for democracy but rejects a no-fly zone and any foreign military intervention.

The following statement was produced by a group of leftist Syrian activists, from different trends, committed to the Syrian revolution and trying to work on the ground in the various struggles taking place across multiple agencies or bodies, such as some of the revolutionary coordination committees. It calls for the unity of the leftist revolutionaries groups and individuals in Syria.

We are witnessing in Syria, since mid-March 2011, a revolutionary process linked to the context of the revolutions that swept the Arab region. This is a popular revolution aimed at getting rid of the dictatorship and struggling for freedom, dignity, equality and social justice. Any progresses since then have been and are met with the greatest pains and sacrifices, because of the violence and killings of the dictatorship against peaceful protests and the struggles of the Syrian masses.

Despite the great sacrifices in front of this violent and brutal dictatorship, the masses of the Syrian people are pursuing their peaceful revolution until they achieve their objectives, including the overthrow of the regime.
It is needless to stress and emphasize the importance attached by the revolutionary left in Syria to ally and collaborate with the general democratic and social forces against dictatorship. In this current stage and in accordance with the requirements of the struggle, while taking into consideration the general and historical interests of the Syrian masses in the context of the ongoing revolutionary dynamics, the revolutionary left in Syria confirms that it adopts the major objectives of the Syrian People’s Revolution, for freedom, democracy, dignity and social justice, and is committed to engage in mass action to achieve these objectives.

We consider that the revolutionary dynamics falls within the context of building a democracy from bellow; we do not hesitate therefore at this current stage of transition, to emphasize our will to adopt and to build a democratic civil and pluralist state. We also insist and put forward the need to adopt broader forms of participatory democracy and direct democracy, in order for the vast majority of the people to participate directly in the affairs of their life and society. At the same time, the interrelation or connection between the various and ongoing Arab revolutions has been demonstrated, beyond any shadow of doubt. These elements show the links in the struggle of the democratic mass, and the struggle for radical social change, all in all starting from a grassroots perspective.

The challenges of the revolutionary process in Syria

The banner of the unity of the opposition was repeatedly put forward lately. It is undeniable that this issue has become a very pressing concern to many, among the Syrians, as if it is the only way to accelerate the collapse of the regime, and put an end to the bloody and horrible massacres committed on a daily basis against the right of the people to revolt.

The supporters and claimants for unity do not refer however to the vast and serious contradictions among the parties of the opposition and its components, while knowing that revolutionary groups are still struggling on the ground and are leading the movement to a very large extent. The popular movement in the country also emphasizes its commitment to the three well known principles (peaceful revolution, the absolute rejection of foreign military intervention, and the determination to overthrow the regime while refusing of any dialogue with it).

We notice that despite these known features some segments of the opposition supposedly working against the authority of Al-Assad regime, at home, are interested in dialogue with the regime, while another section of it, (especially from the opposition living abroad) – and this is more dangerous – are supporters of the current militarization of the Intifada, in order to get a foothold in Syria. More dangerously also, they are in favour of a foreign military intervention. This had led to impact a small minority of the opposition inside the country, with the emergence of voices in the local coordination’s committees raising the slogan of international protection, and even claiming for a no fly zone!!

Any particular scenario or actions that would be similar to Libya, to a direct intervention under the auspices of NATO, will have, without any doubt, severe and dangerous consequences on the country. This requires us to rethink the unity slogan for the following weeks and months, especially when we witness that the three principles, referred to above, are being violated!  This is important to understand and consider, especially when the anger of the people increases on a daily basis before the brutality of the regime and the various practices and forms of repression unprecedented in the history of Syria.

We believe that there is a need, on the opposite, to smear the advocates of militarization – who gives more reason to the regime to move things desperately into a deeper and dangerous abyss, and in particular to what may come along with it, possible sectarian assassinations while seeking to expand it by various means, notably by inciting sectarian sentiments. In addition we warn also to the dangers of an external intervention on the revolution, while arguing for a radical opposition and refusal of any operation and/or any military role in the future, on Syrian territory, of the NATO, or other reactionary forces from the Arab States or other Middle Eastern ones (such as Israel, Turkey or any other). This is of course accompanied with the constant critical and total opposition against the Baathist dictatorship in the same time.

Construction of the revolutionary left and the transitional tasks

The absence of an organised revolutionary left as an important actor has been among the causes in the confusion inside the leadership of the current revolutionary movement, which has been lasting for more than six months, in Syria. This is the outcome on one side of the historical enrolment of the traditional communist movement in and with the existing regime, in siding with the brutal repression, and on the other hand, the crushing of the revolutionary left since the eighties of the last century, and to a larger extent of all the political opposition’s forces. The formation of an organised revolutionary Marxist left, through engagement, on the ground, in the process of struggle raging now is what lays on top of the agenda of the revolutionaries, in Syria.

In the same time, the revolutionary left has to provide a transitional program as one of its functions and missions as a group participating the in this historical period opened by the revolutionary process. This program may be enriched, later, and by other elements, according to the evolution of this process.

We can value, until now, the success of the Syrian masses to continue the struggle against this repressive and oppressive regime established more than four decades ago. This regime will nevertheless not be toppled overnight, and the battle of the masse to achieve their demands mentioned above, may last and need more time. In relation, to this context the revolutionary work is not limited to Syria, but also includes other Arab countries, and may include later all the Arab countries – in order to build the left as a revolutionary actor, capable of mobilizing the masses, for freedom, dignity and social justice, on the basis of a progressive and radical program raised, against programs of other political and social forces.

The current and direct transitional missions are the following:
A. Overthrow the regime and establish a Provisional Revolutionary Government:
1 – The dismantling of the security infrastructure of the state
2 – call for the election of a Constituent Assembly, on the basis of proportional representation, to establish a constitution for a civilian, democratic and pluralist State, and to guaranty that this Constitution, respects and includes civil liberties and human rights, and achieve full equality between citizens, regardless of their religion, ideology, nationality, ethnicity or gender … etc..  In addition, to guarantying the most important features of democracy, in its political and social characteristics, it should be added a commitment to strengthen and to accomplish essential national and Pan Arab tasks, both towards the liberation of the occupied Golan Heights, and to those relating to the practical support of the struggle of the Palestinian people to exercise their right of return, and their full self-determination on their historical land.

B. Construction of the revolutionary left in Syria, through the gathering of individuals and groups, and work to turn it into an active political and social force. The components of the revolutionary left would be gathering around a transitional program, in order to succeed in mobilizing vast sectors of the masses around it. This would open the way to the maturation and the evolution of the current democratic revolution into a global social and national revolution, in close alliance with the forces of the revolutionary process, in the entire Arab region.

The basic elements of this program will fall under four broad titles, firstly democratic freedoms and judicial independence and impartiality; secondly separation of the religion and state, in the framework of guarantying the freedom of belief and the rights of national minorities; thirdly to the economic and social conditions, and women’s emancipation; and fourth national and pan Arab struggles.
This text is a part of the Transitional programme of the revolutionary left in Syria, published mid October 2011.