The suspension of a small portion of the total arms sales to Israel is not enough, but it represents a victory for the Palestine solidarity movement, argues Zahid Rahman

On Monday, the Labour government announced a partial ban on arm exports to Israel. UK arms exports to Israel have rapidly risen over the years: £25 million in 2000 to £295 million in 2020, highlighting the UK’s tolerance of Israel’s frequent, daily and documented breaches of international human rights.

However, Starmer is ideologically aligned with Zionism, a supporter of which he claims to be ‘without qualification’. Although the arms ban is a welcome retreat from that position, it’s certainly not unprecedented; even Margaret Thatcher imposed a partial arms ban on Israel after its barbarous invasion of Lebanon in 1982 that involved the notorious massacre of up to 3,500 Palestinian civilians in the refugee camps of Shatila and Sabra. Yet it took Keir Starmer the deaths of 186,000 Palestinians (a conservatively estimated figure from the prestigious medical journal The Lancet) to impose these belated arms restrictions.

The ban itself is woefully inadequate. It targets only thirty out of 350 arms licences, a pitifully small fraction of the UK’s total arms trade with Israel. Moreover, it leaves a glaring loophole, allowing the UK to continue supplying spare parts for F-35 fighter jets, an essential component of Israel’s military operations. The Foreign Office’s statement about the ‘risk’ of breaching international law does little to address the underlying issues or make a substantial impact.

Starmer’s approach sends a meek and hesitant message to Israel, which remains intent on expanding its conflicts in the Middle East. This ban is not a decisive stand but rather a half-hearted attempt to appease critics while maintaining the status quo. It effectively gives Israel a green light to continue its actions against Palestinians with minimal repercussions.

Nevertheless, this partial ban, while limited, represents a symbolic victory for the Palestinian solidarity movement in Britain and internationally. Netanyahu’s rattled reaction to the government’s decision, calling it ‘shameful’ is evidence of this. It is the result of persistent and passionate advocacy by millions of people across the UK. Though the ban addresses only a fraction of the total arms licences, it signifies a crack in the previously unyielding barricade of establishment support for Israel.

Appealing to Labour’s sense of morality does not work for the Palestine movement. Keir Starmer made his view clear when he said, ‘Israel does have that right’ after being asked if cutting off food, fuel and water to Gazans was appropriate. It is the solidarity and support shown by millions here that has brought pressure on Starmer and his government to go as far as it has in an attempt to head off further protests. But we are clear, this falls woefully short of our demands for a total arms embargo, an immediate ceasefire and a meaningful humanitarian-aid operation for the Palestinian people.

The real challenge lies in maintaining the momentum generated by the demonstrations. The movement must continue to press for more substantial measures to ensure that the UK does not contribute to the ongoing occupation and humanitarian crisis. Starmer’s partial arms ban is a step, but it is up to the movement to demand more decisive action to uphold justice and human rights in the region.