There is a growing chasm between the working class and the Labour Party, argues Vladimir Unkovski-Korica

Not since 1974 has Labour been poised to win a general election that takes place against the background of a highly mobilised extra-parliamentary movement. Back then, it was the strike movement centring on the miners, now it is the Palestine solidarity movement on the streets.

Back in 1974, the labour movement was in a stronger place, but its illusions in the Labour Party blunted its militancy. Union leaders encouraged wage restraint in the ‘national interest’, ultimately leading to deep disillusionment among workers and the election of Margaret Thatcher in 1979.

Of course, there are limits to drawing parallels with 1974, and it is important to acknowledge that one of the big weaknesses of the otherwise deeply impressive Palestine solidarity movement is the absence of the organised working class in its ranks. The number of union banners on demonstrations is low, by way of illustration.

Breaking with Labour

Nevertheless, the movement has some major strengths. Unlike in 1974, there are no illusions in the incoming Labour government. Rather the reverse; the movement is at odds with the Labour Party, as was evident from the strong performance of independent candidates in the local elections in May earlier this year.

The Labour Party evokes no enthusiasm. People are, by and large, turning to Labour to kick out the disgraced Tories, who are rightly blamed for the broken state of Britain. However, they are not convinced by Keir Starmer, whom they don’t trust, as poll after poll has indicated. 

With Labour energetically downplaying popular expectations at every opportunity, pledging policies similar to those of the Tories, and viciously attacking its left-wing, opportunities arise in a small number of constituencies to challenge Labour. It is important for the left to support independents who can pose a credible campaign.

The re-election of the likes of Jeremy Corbyn, a former Labour leader, expelled from the party, would send a major signal that there is an appetite for a new left political project. The more independent left candidates win or have strong showings, whether or not they historically come from the Labour party, the bigger the spur that would be to the extra-parliamentary movement.

Looking beyond the election

Whether or not we see more than one left MP, though, we need to ensure Palestine remains the key issue during and after the elections. That’s why building the national demonstrations around Palestine on 8 June in London and then on 15 June in Scotland is critical. It keeps the movement on the streets central to British politics in a way not seen for decades.

This is important because the politics of hope will have to vie for people’s loyalties with the politics of bitterness and despair. Labour is certain to be quick to disappoint even from the low base of expectations. And, historically, when Labour disappoints, one consequence has been the rise of the far right.

Although the organised far right has been effectively absent in British politics since the Brexit referendum, we saw a big right-wing mobilisation led by Tommy Robinson last weekend in London against the Palestine movement, and days later the announcement of Nigel Farage’s return to the frontline politics running for parliament at the head of Reform UK.

Both Labour and the Tories will therefore find themselves in trouble, and there will likely be polarisation in society. At the moment, the left looks in a good place, but nothing is yet decided. The pendulum can swing left, but it can equally swing to the right. The European Parliament elections this summer will see major gains by the extreme right, while Donald Trump is polling neck and neck with Joe Biden.

Uniting through struggle

As politics polarises again, Starmer will surely get more vicious, and claim to stand for the sensible centre against the extremes, but that will not hold. There is both great opportunity and great danger in this moment, and we know that the establishment will inevitably rather turn to Farage than allow the left to make gains.

Furthermore, the revolutionary left is numerically and organisationally weaker than we were in 1974 or even in 2005 just after the big anti-war mobilisation around Iraq and the breakthrough with Respect. The organised working class as a whole is also weaker as the union leadership remains timid and demoralised.

Nevertheless, there are reasons to be confident: radical left ideas have grown roots in society and there is a radicalising pole in society: we have an audience. We must ensure that we continue to build on a broad and militant basis. We must seek to bring the Palestine movement into the organised working class, and apply the same principles to resisting Starmer on domestic issues as we have done on foreign policy: build militant unity with reformists against attacks on living standards, democratic freedoms and the welfare state, including through strikes and demonstrations.

While this may include a new electoral formation, we must also build an independent anti-capitalist pole that can begin to generalise from all the disparate struggles and unite them in the political struggle against the British state. We must offer a politics of struggle and hope against the politics of hate and fear that will come with the same fake anti-establishment tones as they do across the Atlantic. This is a key moment: we must grow to seize it.